Market Socialism
System in which collectively or publicly owned enterprises compete in markets, uniting the efficiency of competition with the socialist distribution of profits, without the rigid central planning of state economies.
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System in which collectively or publicly owned enterprises compete in markets, uniting the efficiency of competition with the socialist distribution of profits, without the rigid central planning of state economies.
In one sentence
I want collectively owned firms competing in markets, uniting the efficiency of competition with the socialist distribution of profits, without rigid central planning.
Political axes

Our Market Socialism definition includes “without rigid central planning”. This clause must be read for which central institutions it retains or rejects; opposition to a state or party is not endorsement of centralized territorial power.

Our Market Socialism model centers on collectively owned firms competing in markets, uniting the efficiency of competition with the socialist distribution of profits, without rigid central planning. That core does not specify who can choose, replace and hold political decision-makers accountable. A social or economic objective does not by itself establish elections, popular sovereignty or an unelected ruling elite.

Our Market Socialism model centers on collectively owned firms competing in markets, uniting the efficiency of competition with the socialist distribution of profits, without rigid central planning. That core does not specify the permissible use of public coercion versus protected personal autonomy. The form of government does not alone establish the extent of surveillance, repression or civil liberty.

Our Market Socialism model centers on collectively owned firms competing in markets, uniting the efficiency of competition with the socialist distribution of profits, without rigid central planning. That core does not specify minority membership, migration and the coexistence of cultural identities. Shared economic interests or a universal philosophical ethic do not alone specify immigration or cultural-integration policy.

Our Market Socialism model centers on collectively owned firms competing in markets, uniting the efficiency of competition with the socialist distribution of profits, without rigid central planning. That core does not specify the political role of organized armed force and acceptance of war. Domestic coercion, economic state intervention and national pride do not by themselves establish militarism or pacifism.

Our Market Socialism model centers on collectively owned firms competing in markets, uniting the efficiency of competition with the socialist distribution of profits, without rigid central planning. That core does not specify coercive foreign projection into other peoples or states. This axis concerns foreign intervention, not nationalism, domestic regulation, cultural confidence or military preparedness alone.

Our Market Socialism model centers on collectively owned firms competing in markets, uniting the efficiency of competition with the socialist distribution of profits, without rigid central planning. That core does not specify ownership of productive assets, land and enterprises. Welfare spending, moral solidarity and expert administration do not by themselves abolish or privatize productive ownership.

Our Market Socialism definition includes “without rigid central planning”. The coordination method that is accepted or rejected matters; abolition of markets or opposition to competition is not endorsement of decentralized exchange.

Our Market Socialism model centers on collectively owned firms competing in markets, uniting the efficiency of competition with the socialist distribution of profits, without rigid central planning. That core does not specify cross-border trade, capital flows and economic integration. Domestic market freedom and international cultural solidarity are different claims from a free-trade policy.

Our Market Socialism model centers on collectively owned firms competing in markets, uniting the efficiency of competition with the socialist distribution of profits, without rigid central planning. That core does not specify whether public rules and political authority are grounded in religious doctrine. Personal faith, atheism, religious identity and rejection of a state do not alone establish the source of public rules.

Our Market Socialism model centers on collectively owned firms competing in markets, uniting the efficiency of competition with the socialist distribution of profits, without rigid central planning. That core does not specify public attitudes toward inherited customs, family, gender and social change. Economic redistribution, technological novelty and a religious affiliation do not uniquely determine every moral position.


Our Market Socialism model centers on collectively owned firms competing in markets, uniting the efficiency of competition with the socialist distribution of profits, without rigid central planning. That core does not specify the priority given to technological transformation versus ecological or bodily limits. Historical age, rural life and scientific reasoning do not by themselves establish acceptance or rejection of all technology.

Leans further toward progressive than 79% of the 250 ideologies in the catalog.
Of all the axes, Morality is where it stands furthest from the rest.

On Trade, it sits practically at the catalog median.
Here it shares common ground with most ideologies.

Neru leads C&C and is Millennium's famously formidable agent, using the call sign Double O. Her rough appearance and competitive spirit can resemble a delinquent's, yet her team knows her as someone who can deliver when the stakes are high.
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