Christian Socialism
Current of Thomas Müntzer, the peasants of 1525 and guerrilla priests such as Camilo Torres, seeking the Kingdom of God on earth through revolution, with common property and the rule of the poor imposed by force.
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Current of Thomas Müntzer, the peasants of 1525 and guerrilla priests such as Camilo Torres, seeking the Kingdom of God on earth through revolution, with common property and the rule of the poor imposed by force.
In one sentence
I want God's Kingdom on earth through a revolution of the poor, all goods in common and the mighty cast down by the elect.
Political axes

Our Christian Socialism model centers on god's Kingdom on earth through a revolution of the poor, all goods in common and the mighty cast down by the elect. That core does not specify the constitutional allocation of power between territorial units and a center. Administrative centralization, social equality and opposition to the state are different claims from a federal constitution.

Our Christian Socialism model centers on god's Kingdom on earth through a revolution of the poor, all goods in common and the mighty cast down by the elect. That core does not specify who can choose, replace and hold political decision-makers accountable. A social or economic objective does not by itself establish elections, popular sovereignty or an unelected ruling elite.

Our Christian Socialism definition includes “common property and the rule of the poor imposed by force”. Compulsion, surveillance or enforced discipline is relevant to the security side independently of election rules.

Our Christian Socialism model centers on god's Kingdom on earth through a revolution of the poor, all goods in common and the mighty cast down by the elect. That core does not specify minority membership, migration and the coexistence of cultural identities. Shared economic interests or a universal philosophical ethic do not alone specify immigration or cultural-integration policy.

Our Christian Socialism definition includes “seeking the Kingdom of God on earth through revolution”. The stated method of transformation supplies conflict context, but revolution or a general strike alone does not establish an interstate war policy.


Our Christian Socialism model centers on god's Kingdom on earth through a revolution of the poor, all goods in common and the mighty cast down by the elect. That core does not specify coercive foreign projection into other peoples or states. This axis concerns foreign intervention, not nationalism, domestic regulation, cultural confidence or military preparedness alone.

Our Christian Socialism definition includes “common property and the rule of the poor imposed by force”. The ownership clause concerns who holds productive assets, rather than simply the size of the welfare budget.

Our Christian Socialism model centers on god's Kingdom on earth through a revolution of the poor, all goods in common and the mighty cast down by the elect. That core does not specify how production and allocation are coordinated through plans or decentralized exchange. Public ownership can coexist with markets, and private firms can operate under directed planning.

Our Christian Socialism model centers on god's Kingdom on earth through a revolution of the poor, all goods in common and the mighty cast down by the elect. That core does not specify cross-border trade, capital flows and economic integration. Domestic market freedom and international cultural solidarity are different claims from a free-trade policy.

This definition selects a revolutionary Kingdom-of-God-on-earth strand, with common property and rule by the elect. Religion is the stated warrant for the proposed public order, distinct from modern Christian welfare reform and from a merely Christian population.

Our Christian Socialism model centers on god's Kingdom on earth through a revolution of the poor, all goods in common and the mighty cast down by the elect. That core does not specify public attitudes toward inherited customs, family, gender and social change. Economic redistribution, technological novelty and a religious affiliation do not uniquely determine every moral position.

Our Christian Socialism definition includes “current of Thomas Müntzer, the peasants of 1525 and guerrilla priests such as Camilo Torres”. Ecological limits or rural production is relevant to the biology side, without implying opposition to every scientific or agricultural technique.

Leans further toward religious governance than 90% of the 250 ideologies in the catalog.
Of all the axes, Religion in governance is where it stands furthest from the rest.


On Intervention, it sits close to the catalog median.
Here it shares common ground with most ideologies.

Mine commands the Remedial Knights with earnest resolve and an approach that can be startlingly forceful. Her interventions often leave damage for the others to repair, but outside a crisis she enjoys maintaining equipment and hosting friends with snacks and tea.
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Ideological proximity
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Current that rejects the parliamentary and reformist path, betting on the general strike and the mobilising myth: direct union action and proletarian violence should destroy the state and the decadent bourgeoisie.
Current that joins a state-run socialist economy and a strong party with patriotism, the traditional family, religion as national heritage and rejection of cultural progressivism, seeing identity politics as a liberal distraction from class struggle.
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Closest in other spectrums
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