Islamic Theocratism
A doctrine that hands the state to the Islamic clergy and makes sharia the supreme law, above popular sovereignty, as in Khomeini's guardianship of the jurist (velayat-e faqih) in Iran and the Taliban emirate in Afghanistan.
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A doctrine that hands the state to the Islamic clergy and makes sharia the supreme law, above popular sovereignty, as in Khomeini's guardianship of the jurist (velayat-e faqih) in Iran and the Taliban emirate in Afghanistan.
In one sentence
I want God's sovereignty above the vote, with the religious jurist in command, sharia as the only law and an economy free of usury.
Political axes

Our Islamic Theocratism model centers on god's sovereignty above the vote, with the religious jurist in command, sharia as the only law and an economy free of usury. That core does not specify the constitutional allocation of power between territorial units and a center. Administrative centralization, social equality and opposition to the state are different claims from a federal constitution.

Our Islamic Theocratism definition includes “a doctrine that hands the state to the Islamic clergy and makes sharia the supreme law, above popular sovereignty, as in Khomeini's guardianship of the jurist (velayat-e faqih) in Iran and the Taliban emirate in Afghanistan”. Popular decision-making and recall bear on democratic authorization; restricted membership can still limit who participates.

Our Islamic Theocratism model centers on god's sovereignty above the vote, with the religious jurist in command, sharia as the only law and an economy free of usury. That core does not specify the permissible use of public coercion versus protected personal autonomy. The form of government does not alone establish the extent of surveillance, repression or civil liberty.

Our Islamic Theocratism model centers on god's sovereignty above the vote, with the religious jurist in command, sharia as the only law and an economy free of usury. That core does not specify minority membership, migration and the coexistence of cultural identities. Shared economic interests or a universal philosophical ethic do not alone specify immigration or cultural-integration policy.

Our Islamic Theocratism model centers on god's sovereignty above the vote, with the religious jurist in command, sharia as the only law and an economy free of usury. That core does not specify the political role of organized armed force and acceptance of war. Domestic coercion, economic state intervention and national pride do not by themselves establish militarism or pacifism.

Sharia, electoral religion or Islamic economic justice describes public rules at home, not a necessary foreign military doctrine. The current coordinate is retained as a particular catalogue political strand; Islamic affiliation or juristic authority alone does not determine intervention.

Our Islamic Theocratism model centers on god's sovereignty above the vote, with the religious jurist in command, sharia as the only law and an economy free of usury. That core does not specify ownership of productive assets, land and enterprises. Welfare spending, moral solidarity and expert administration do not by themselves abolish or privatize productive ownership.

Our Islamic Theocratism model centers on god's sovereignty above the vote, with the religious jurist in command, sharia as the only law and an economy free of usury. That core does not specify how production and allocation are coordinated through plans or decentralized exchange. Public ownership can coexist with markets, and private firms can operate under directed planning.

Our Islamic Theocratism definition includes “god's sovereignty above the vote”. Sovereignty or locally rooted production supplies protection-oriented context, but specific tariff and capital rules remain model assumptions.

The definition gives supreme law to sharia and political command to religious jurists above popular sovereignty. Khomeini's governance-of-the-jurist argument directly documents this religious-authority strand; the Taliban example is a different institutional variant.

Our Islamic Theocratism model centers on god's sovereignty above the vote, with the religious jurist in command, sharia as the only law and an economy free of usury. That core does not specify public attitudes toward inherited customs, family, gender and social change. Economic redistribution, technological novelty and a religious affiliation do not uniquely determine every moral position.


Our Islamic Theocratism model centers on god's sovereignty above the vote, with the religious jurist in command, sharia as the only law and an economy free of usury. That core does not specify the priority given to technological transformation versus ecological or bodily limits. Historical age, rural life and scientific reasoning do not by themselves establish acceptance or rejection of all technology.

Leans further toward religious governance than 98% of the 250 ideologies in the catalog.
Of all the axes, Religion in governance is where it stands furthest from the rest.

On Immigration, it sits close to the catalog median.
Here it shares common ground with most ideologies.

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